sábado, 6 de outubro de 2018

#Palocci made unprecedented disclosures about the "corrupt interest" of Worker’s Party (PT) governments in Brazil (From "ISTO É")



SOURCE / LINK: https://youtu.be/8iQMpUuo9QM



SOURCE/LINK:https://istoe.com.br/palocci-escancara-o-interesse-corrupto-dos-governos-do-pt/




Edição nº 2546 05/10






Brasil

#Palocci made unprecedented disclosures about the "corrupt interest" of Worker’s Party (PT) governments in Brazil (From "ISTO É")

Palocci detailed to Justice how the Worke’s Party (PT), with "approval"/"consent" of Lula set up a gang to assault Petrobras and divide the kickbacks  among allies of Worker’s Party 

05/10/18 - 09h30 - Updated 05/10/18 – 10h39



Worker’s Party (PT) chief says dishonesty permeated PT's government
Neither are accusations of Bolsonaro in social networks, even less the attacks of Geraldo Alckmin in his electoral program on TV. The biggest firecracker of the last few days against the candidacy of the Worker’s Party - PT's Fernando Haddad for the presidency came from the sincere words of one of the most powerful former party mates, who turned 58 on Thursday 4 - more than half of them dedicated to the PT: Antonio Palocci , former Minister of Finance and Civil House of the governments Lula and Dilma Rousseff. He has been imprisoned for two years in Curitiba (PR) and has closed plea bargain/plea agreement/plea deal  with the purpose of reducing his sentence and even being released. The passage made public by Judge Sérgio Moro has only 11 pages, but it is devastating in its ability to summarize how the governments of Lula and Dilma, the PT and the other parties at the base, plotted Petrobras to transform that state-owned company into a  kickbacks industry, both to finance electoral projects, as well as to promote the illicit enrichment of the Worker’s Party 
(PT) leaders.

"There was a national interest and a corrupt interest," Palocci summed up in his statement, explaining how the internal motivations of the PT government came about. Palocci uses this phrase when explaining why Lula adopted a pre-salt model that privileged national companies and made it difficult for international partners to enter. According to Palocci, it was easier to persuade large contractors, such as OAS, Andrade Gutierrez and Camargo Corrêa to fund party electoral schemes than to try this with foreign companies.
In his report, Palocci details how the rigging of the state and Lula and Dilma governments was conceived, especially Petrobras. According to the former Worker’s Party (PT) minister, right at the beginning of the first government of the former president, currently held at the headquarters of the Federal Police in Curitiba (in the same unit where Palocci is, but in another wing), there was a division as to the relationship with the support parties. A "programmatic group" was formed, where Palocci himself was included, which advocated that the government focus its efforts on approving structuring reforms under discussion in Congress, with the support of the major parties, including the PMDB and even the PSDB. On the other hand, the "pragmatic group" was formed under the leadership of former Minister of the Civil House José Dirceu, who defended alliances with small parties for the approval of government projects at any cost. According to Palocci, the second group was gaining ground. Keeping the base has become something "more expensive," Palocci explains. "It was not a division between honesty and dishonesty. There was dishonesty throughout the Worker’s Party (PT) structure.






"If criminal action is in progress, publicity is required. No more risks to investigations "- Sergio Moro, judge of the 13th Federal Court of Paraná (Credit: Suamy Beydoun / AGIF)


The division of the kickbacks


From the decision that the government would follow the "pragmatic" route, strategic positions were parceled out by the parties according to their ability to "generate cash". In this sense, Petrobras turned the cherry on the cake of those groups that squandered the public coffers. According to Palocci, all advertising contracts, for example, generated a 3% booty for the PT. Who operated this, according to Palocci, was the Executive Management of Institutional Communication of Petrobras, commanded by Wilson Santarosa, union leader of the PT tankers of Campinas, linked to Lula himself. The PT also had Renato Duque in the Services Directorate. It was an indication of businessmen attached to José Dirceu. "There, there was the positioning of an important piece of financial operation of the PT with Petrobras," reports the former minister.


The Popular Party (PP), party with the largest number of politicians denounced in Operation Car Wash, had Paulo Roberto Costa in the Supply Directorate. Nestor Cerveró, first as International Director and later as Chief Financial Officer of BR Distribuidora, was named after former state senator Delcídio do Amaral (PT-MS). As the Brazilian Democratic Movement (PMDB)  had no one in the scheme, he pressed Lula. And ended up getting to the International Board of Directors Jorge Zelada. Palocci says that the PMDB came so hungry for the coffers that it forged a $ 800 million contract with Odebrecht for a "large margin for tips." Five percent of the hefty would go to the party, $ 40 million. "It was so unlawful that the value of the contract was soon reduced from $ 800 million to $ 300 million," says Palocci.
Palocci states in his testimony that Lula not only knew of the scheme as he named the main agents of corruption. He recounts an episode in which the president called him to the Alvorada Palace in February 2007, shortly after taking office for the second term. Raging, he seemed outraged by information that had come to him about illicit acts of Duke and Paulo Roberto Costa. Palocci asked, then, who had indicated the two. The former minister said that "the responsible was Lula himself." And he stressed that it was clear that the PP had no project for Petrobras other than "raising money."
In another passage of the accusation, Palocci tells an episode in which Lula made explicit his involvement in the machine of deviations. It was a meeting in the library of the Alvorada Palace already in the vicinity of the beginning of Dilma Rousseff's campaign to succeed him. Lula, Palocci, Dilma and the then President of Petrobras, Sérgio Gabrielli, were at the meeting. Lula asked Gabrielli to order the construction of 40 oil drilling rigs "to guarantee the political future of the country and the PT with the election of Dilma Rousseff." And he ordered Palocci to manage the illicit resources that would be generated for proper employment in the PT campaign. According to him, the presidential campaigns of the PT cost, in 2010 and 2014, approximately R $ 600 million and R $ 800 million, respectively, often above the value declared to the TSE. That is, dirty money from corruption.

The 11 pages of the donation released are considered just an appetizer of what Palocci has to present. In its May 30 edition, ISTOÉ advanced the terms of the accusation and its explosive potential, with the involvement of former presidents Lula and Dilma in the PT Falconry. With the demarcation as electoral ammunition, Jair Bolsonaro's candidacy is now using the following phrase in his second round propaganda: "If Lula is Haddad, and Lula is corrupt, why should he vote for him?" As Palocci was part of the inner circle of power in the PT governments, what he has already told the court can help answer the former captain's question.

 Topics

Lula Palocci PT
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